Some police managers attracted to problem-oriented policing also
apply other strategies, such as community policing, "broken windows"
policing, intelligence-led policing, and CompStat. Depending on how
these other strategies are implemented, they may or may not be
compatible with POP. Even when implemented in a compatible manner, they
are not the same as POP. For these reasons it is critical to understand
how POP differs from these other strategies.
Problem-oriented policing is a method for analyzing and solving crime
problems. Community policing, on the other hand, represents a broader
organizational philosophy. Community policing includes problem-solving
as addressed in problem-oriented policing, but it also includes the
development of external partnerships with community members and groups.
Additionally, community policing addresses organizational changes that
should take place in a police agency (such as decentralized
decision-making, fixed geographic accountability, agency wide training,
personnel evaluations) designed to support collaborative
problem-solving, community partnerships, and a general proactive
orientation to crime and social disorder issues.
Community policing is
therefore more focused on police-public interaction than is
problem-oriented policing and represents a broader organizational
philosophy that incorporates the principles of problem-oriented policing
within it. When done well, community policing provides a strong
overarching philosophy in which to engage in POP, but community policing
that fails to incorporate the principles of POP within it is unlikely
to have a substantial impact on reducing crime.
Problem-oriented policing identifies partners whose help is needed in dealing with specific problem.
In an ideal case, community policing does this as well. If the problem
is assaults around bus stops, a necessary partner will be the local
transit authority. If the problem is shoplifting, then the cooperation
of local businesses is needed. Community members often identify
problems. Specific members of the public (including offenders) can have
important insights useful for problem analysis.
Community members can
help implement solutions (for example, in fitting deadbolts or not
giving money to beggars). And the success of a problem-solving effort
might be defined in terms of community reaction. But rarely can the
community at large help with the specialized technical work involved in
problem analysis, solution development, and evaluation. In addition to
partnering around specific problems, community policing also seeks out
partnerships among the community at large (and government organizations)
in order to increase the level of trust and general cooperation with
them. In this sense, it goes beyond the partnerships described under
problem-oriented policing. Agencies that adopt the broader general
philosophy of community policing should be careful not to let these
partnerships with a different purpose (building trust and cooperation)
dilute the more focused problem-solving partnerships and efforts that
the community policing philosophy also encourages.
These distinctions are most easily confused when the focus of a
problem-oriented project is a deprived neighborhood. In this case, the
project should proceed by identifying the collection of individual
problems that together make up the greater one (see Step 14). Rather
than attempting to build a relationship with the community at large, a
problem-oriented project focuses on solving the specific problems of,
say, drug houses, commercial burglaries, and bar fights. To the extent
that members of the community become productively involved in solving
these discrete problems, they may be a rather different group of
individuals in each case. Broader partnerships with the community could
be developed in order to build trust between police and the community
and this can make the problem-solving process easier; however, even in
the absence of widespread community support, problems need to be
systematically addressed.
It is also important to understand the difference between
problem-oriented policing and broken windows policing. Under the former,
specific solutions to the variety of problems confronting the
police emerge from careful and detailed analysis of the contributory
causes of each. By contrast, "broken windows" advocates the same general
solution - policing incivilities and maintaining order whenever crime
shows signs of becoming out of hand. This approach is based on two
principles, the first of which is that small offenses add up to destroy
community life. For example, littering one piece of paper is nothing
terrible, but if everybody does it the neighborhood becomes a dump. The
second principle of broken windows is that small offenses encourage
larger ones. For example, abandoned and boarded up properties often
become the scene for drug dealing and can spawn more serious crimes.
This important insight has led some cities to pay much more attention to
policing against small offenses.
All policing requires discretion, and broken windows policing
requires some very important decisions to be made by officers on the
street. (This is why it should not be confused with "zero tolerance"
which is a political slogan, impossible for the police to deliver
because it would soon result in clogged courts and an alienated
population.) One has to figure out which of the small offenses multiply
into more crimes and which do not. For example, New York City subway
system managers learned that young men jumping turnstiles to travel free
often committed robberies within the system. Controlling the minor
crime helped reduce the major one. But the subway managers also learned
that those painting graffiti did not normally commit more serious
crimes. Although their efforts to control graffiti were very effective
(see Step 41), they did not reduce robbery.
Problem-oriented policing also addresses these less serious offenses
even if there is no expectation that they will lead to worse problems.
Vandalism in a public park might not increase the chances of robbery,
but it does destroy public facilities, so it is a problem that needs to
be addressed. Citizens in a neighborhood may be very concerned about
speeding, traffic congestion, or noise. As long as these meet the
criteria for a problem (Step 14) they are addressable by POP, even if
there is no expectation that the neighborhood will deteriorate should
these go unaddressed.
Crime analysts are given a central role in intelligence-led policing,
which puts a premium on the need for sound information to guide
policing operations. However, intelligence-led policing is primarily a
methodology for producing sound, useable intelligence. It does not guide
police through the whole process of designing and implementing a crime
reduction initiative in the way that the SARA model is intended to do.
Nor does it give a central role to crime analysts at every stage in such
an initiative. This is why problem-oriented policing has a great deal
more to offer crime analysts and why it expects much more of them.
Finally, problem-oriented policing is not the same as CompStat,
though they share some common features. Both focus police attention,
though CompStat as normally practiced restricts itself to geographic hot
spots while POP can be applied to a wider array of crime
concentrations. Though both use data to drive police action, the variety
of data and depth of analysis used in POP is greater than quick-paced
CompStat targeting. CompStat uses law enforcement tactics almost
exclusively, while POP uses these along with a wider variety of
responses. CompStat may have short-term impacts on geographic hot spots
of crime that wear off and require more enforcement. A problem-oriented
approach seeks longer-term solutions. If CompStat is used as a
"first-aid" response while POP is applied to enact a longer-term cure,
then the two approaches can work well together.
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